Title:
US
efforts to make peace summed up by 'oil'
Author:
Lara Marlowe
Publication:
Ireland.com
Date: Nov 19, 2001
URL: http://www.ireland.com/newspaper/world/2001/1119/wor8.htm
A new book
alleges years of attempts to arrest Osama bin Laden being blocked by the US ,
one of the authors tells Lara Marlowe
ANALYSIS: The
fate of John O'Neill, the Irish-American FBI agent who for years led US
investigations into Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda network, is the most chilling
revelation in the book Bin Laden: The Hidden Truth, published in Paris
this week.
O'Neill investigated
the bombings of the World Trade Centre in 1993, a US base in Saudi Arabia in
1996, the US embassies in Nairobi and Dar-Es-Salaam in 1998, and the USS Cole
last year.
Jean-Charles Brisard,
who wrote a report on bin Laden's finances for the French intelligence agency
DST and is co-author of Hidden Truth, met O'Neill several times last summer. He
complained bitterly that the US State Department - and behind it the oil lobby
who make up President Bush's entourage - blocked attempts to prove bin Laden's
guilt.
The US ambassador to
Yemen, Ms Barbara Bodine, forbade O'Neill and his team of so- called Rambos (as
the Yemeni authorities called them) from entering Yemen. In August 2001, O'Neill
resigned in frustration and took up a new job as head of security at the World
Trade Centre. He died in the September 11th attack.
Brisard and his
co-author Guillaume Dasquié, the editor of Intelligence Online, say their book
is a tribute to O'Neill. The FBI agent had told Brisard: "All the answers,
everything needed to dismantle Osama bin Laden's organisation, can be found in
Saudi Arabia."
But US diplomats
shrank from offending the Saudi royal family. O'Neill went to Saudi Arabia after
19 US servicemen died in the bombing of a military installation in Dhahran in
June 1996. Saudi officials interrogated the suspects, declared them guilty and
executed them - without letting the FBI talk to them. "They were reduced to
the role of forensic scientists, collecting material evidence on the bomb
site," Brisard says.
O'Neill said there
was clear evidence in Yemen of bin Laden's guilt in the bombing of the USS Cole
\in which 17 US servicemen died\, but that the State Department prevented him
from getting it."
Brisard and Dasquié
discovered that the first country to issue an international arrest warrant
against bin Laden was not the US, but Moamar Gadafy's Libya, in March 1998. The
confidential notice, published for the first time in their book, was sent by the
Libyan interior ministry to Interpol on March 16th, 1998, and accuses bin Laden
of murdering two German intelligence agents, Silvan Becker and his wife, in
Libya in 1994.
Bin Laden supported
a fundamentalist group called al-Muqatila, made up of Libyans who had fought
with him against the Soviets in Afghanistan.
Al-Muqatila wanted
to assassinate Gadafy, whom it considered an infidel. According to the former
MI5 agent David Shayler, British intelligence - also in league with al-Muqatila
- tried to assassinate Gadafy in November 1996.
It was because of
British collaboration with al-Muqatila that the Interpol warrant was ignored,
Brisard says. Since September 11th, al-Muqatila has been placed on President
Bush's list of "terrorist groups".
The central thesis
of Brisard and Dasquié's book is sure to join the annals of 21st century
conspiracy theories. The writers document negotiations between the Bush
administration and the Taliban between February and August of this year.
Less convincingly,
they conjecture that the September 11th suicide attacks were the result of the
failure of those negotiations.
The chief motivation
behind US attempts to make peace with the Taliban can be summed up in one word:
oil. The former Soviet republics of Central Asia - Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and
especially "the new Kuwait", Kazakhstan - have vast oil and gas
reserves. But Russia has refused to allow the US to extract it through Russian
pipelines and Iran is considered a dangerous route. That left Afghanistan.
The US oil company
Chevron - where Mr Bush's National Security Advisor Condoleeza Rice was a
director throughout the 1990s - is deeply involved in Kazakhstan. In 1995,
another US company, Unocal (formerly Union Oil Company of California) signed a
contract to export $8 billion worth of natural gas through a $3 billion pipeline
which would go from Turkmenistan through Afghanistan to Pakistan.
The authors recall
how the State Department applauded the Taliban takeover in September 1996, five
months after a US assistant secretary of state warned "economic
opportunities will be missed" if political stability was not restored in
Afghanistan.
Laila Helms, the
part Afghan niece of the former CIA director and former US ambassador to Tehran
Richard Helms, is described as the Mata-Hari of US-Taliban negotiations.
Ms Helms brought
Sayed Rahmatullah Hashimi, an adviser to Mullah Omar, to Washington for five
days in March 2001 - after the Taliban had destroyed the ancient Buddhas of
Bamiyan. Hashimi met the directorate of Central Intelligence at the CIA and the
Bureau of Intelligence and Research at the State Department.
In negotiations
which continued until July, the US then took a more discreet position, letting
the UN envoy Francesc Vendrell do most of the work and appointing a former US
ambassador to Pakistan, Thomas Simons, to represent the US at informal meetings
in Berlin.
The last direct US
contact with the Taliban was on August 2nd, 2001, when Christina Rocca, the
director of Asian affairs at the State Department, met the Taliban ambassador in
Islamabad. Ms Rocca was previously in charge of contacts with Islamist guerrilla
groups at the CIA, where in the 1980s, she oversaw the delivery of Stinger
missiles to Afghan mujaheddin.
Last February, the
Taliban had indicated it might be willing to hand over bin Laden, but by June,
according to Brisard and Dasquié, the US began considering military action.
"The US thought they could 'decouple' Osama bin Laden from the
Taliban," Brisard says. "What they did not understand was that without
bin Laden, the Taliban regime wouldn't have existed."
By dispatching
Francesc Vendrell to see the exiled King Zaher Shah in Rome and raising the
threat of military action, Washington "backed the Taliban into a
corner", the authors say. For the Taliban - assuming its leadership had
advance knowledge of the suicide attacks - September 11th was a sort of
pre-emptive strike.
Brisard and Dasquié
claim a significant part of the Saudi royal family supports bin Laden.
"Saudi Arabia has always protected bin Laden - or protected itself from
him," says Brisard. He points out that attacks inside the kingdom targeted
US interests, never the Saudis.
Khalid bin Mahfouz
is the former chairman of the kingdom's biggest bank, the National Commercial
Bank, who, with 10 family members received Irish citizenship in December 1990.
Brisard and Dasquié call him "the banker of terror".
The 73-year-old
Mahfouz is now under house arrest in the Saudi resort of Taif, accused by the
FBI and CIA of having diverted $2 billion to Islamic charities that helped bin
Laden.